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Republican moderates defy party leaders to force vote on ACA tax credits extension

The tension in the Capitol had been building for weeks; a quiet, humming anxiety that threaded through late-night committee rooms and whispered conversations in Republican offices. But on Wednesday, that tension finally broke.

Speaker Mike Johnson had expected another orderly day: caucus meetings, leadership briefings, and the same ideological tug-of-war that had become routine. Instead, four members of his own party walked across a political Rubicon.

Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, Mike Lawler of New York, Rob Bresnahan of Pennsylvania and Ryan Mackenzie of Pennsylvania sided with Democrats to force a vote Johnson had tried to keep off the floor by signing onto a discharge petition to force consideration of a clean three-year extension of the enhanced Affordable Care Act tax credits, due to expire Dec. 31.

More than 20 million Americans relied on those credits. And for Fitzpatrick, the math was simple.

“The only thing worse than a clean extension would be expiration,” he had warned the night before in a tense Rules Committee meeting. The room that evening had been cramped, buzzing with staffers and half-empty coffee cups, everyone waiting to see whether Republican moderates would bend or break. Fitzpatrick chose the latter. Lawler had already made up his mind: “The only feasible path forward is a discharge petition,” he said, if House leadership refused even to allow a vote.

And leadership had refused. So on Wednesday, the four Republicans slipped their signatures onto Jeffries’ petition.

CLOCK TICKING TOWARD EXPIRATION

Under House rules, even a fully executed discharge petition must wait. No vote could occur until the following month unless Johnson himself acted sooner.

Two senior Republicans, speaking privately (POLITICO reported), said there were no such plans.

Fitzpatrick issued a statement that carried equal parts frustration and finality.

“We have worked for months to craft a two-party solution,” he said. “Our only request was a floor vote on this compromise That request was rejected. Unfortunately, it is House leadership themselves that have forced this outcome.”

Across the Capitol, Jeffries framed the maneuver as a last line of defense.

“This is the most straightforward path to ensuring that tens of millions of Americans don’t have their health care ripped away,” he told reporters.

THE SENATE: A WALL IN WAITING

Even if the House ultimately passes the extension, the Senate will be no safe harbor.

Just days earlier, four Republican senators had joined Democrats to advance the same three-year proposal, which was not enough to overcome the 60-vote threshold. And Senate Majority Leader John Thune, asked whether he’d even consider a House version, brushed it aside.

“If they just did what they did over here, which is a straight-up three-year extension, then no,” he said. When pressed again midweek, Thune replied only: “We’ll cross that bridge when we come to it.”

A House vote, especially one forced by a bipartisan rebellion, could make inaction harder for Senate leaders to defend. Lawmakers would return in January to a health care cliff hanging directly over millions of constituents.

Fitzpatrick, ever the coalition-builder, had already arranged a meeting that afternoon: a gathering of the Problem Solvers Caucus with rank-and-file senators searching for a compromise. The Capitol hallways echoed with speculation. Was this the beginning of a deal? Or simply the latest flicker of hope destined to be smothered by political gravity?

AN UNFINISHED FIGHT

For now, the petition is sat like a live wire – charged, waiting.

The four Republicans who signed it were already bracing for the consequences: leadership anger, conservative backlash, the familiar accusations of betrayal. But for them, the larger betrayal would have been allowing the ACA credits to expire without even granting a vote.

Some rebellions explode. Others unfold in signatures and silence.

This one was both.

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